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Bono state

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This article is about the Akan state of the Bono people. For their other kingdom, see Gyaman.

Bonoman
c. 1450–1723
CapitalBono Manso
Common languagesBono Twi
Religion
Bono Ancestral worship and spirituality
GovernmentMonarchy
Bonohene 
History 
• Settlement of Bono Manso
c. 1000 CE
• Foundation of the Bono state
c. 1450
• Conquered by the Asante Empire
1723
CurrencyGold dust, cowries and
(Salt, copper)
 Succeeded by
Techiman
Today part ofGhana
Ivory Coast

Bono State (also known as Bonoman) was the first centralized Akan state, founded by the Bono people in what is now central Ghana.[1][2] Bonoman is generally considered a cultural, political ancestor and origin to Akan subgroups that migrated southward and eastward during and after its decline in the 18th centuries.[3][1][4] The capital centered at Bono Manso, the state flourished in the forest–savanna transition zone and encompassed areas within present-day Bono Region, Bono East Region, and Ahafo Region, as well as parts of eastern Ivory Coast.[5][6]

The state's wealth grew substantially through the control of gold production and trade, with material culture such as goldweights, brassworking, and textiles attesting to its urban complexity.[7] The Akan gold trade to the savannah and far beyond had been essential since the opening of Akan goldfields to Juula merchants under Mali and Songhai empire dating back to at least 15th century. Begho sent gold mined in the Akan goldfields to the north both Kong and Bobo-Dioulasso, from whence the gold was carried to Djenne-Timbuktu corridor and across Sahara.[4]

History

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Origin

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While some theorists have linked the origin of the Akan people of Bonoman to a southward migration from the Ghana Empire or broader Sahel region, recent archaeological and linguistic evidence points to their long-term residence in modern-day Ghana and Ivory Coast.[8] Archaeological evidence reveals iron-smelting at the site of Abam in Bono Manso by c. 300 CE.[9] Early remains include red-slipped and burnished pottery, grinding stones, swish-walled dwellings constructed using wattle-and-daub techniques, and iron-smelting furnaces with slag. These findings reflect a proto-urban society engaged in farming, craft production, metallurgy, and regional exchange.[citation needed] The earliest settlements were typically located in caves and/or near inselbergs, echoing Bono origin myths which have them emerging from a hole in the ground near modern-day Wenchi.[10][9]

Rise of the State

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Bonoman was the earliest Akan state to develop in the forest–savanna transition zone of what is now the Bono Region, Bono East Region and Ahafo Region of Ghana. Archaeologists date the founding of Bono Manso to c. 1000 CE,[9] although both local traditions and archaeological data support the idea that the Bono state was founded by descendants of the proto-Akan who occupied the nearby rock shelters some 600 years earlier.[11] Other authors place the foundation in the late 14th and early 15th century.[12]

A key factor in the emergence of the state was the need to organize and protect the exploitation of Akan goldfields and the development of trade routes linking the region to the Sahel and Middle Niger.[12] The nearby town of Begho (also known as Nsɔkɔ) emerged as a vibrant commercial hub, where local goods such as gold, kola, and ivory were exchanged for textiles, salt, and other commodities transported by Wangara traders.[13][14] Two early kings, Ameyaw and Obunumankoma oversaw the kingdom's expansion and rapid development in the second half of the 15th century.[12]

Over time Bonoman faced increasing external pressure, including wars with the Gonja kingdom. Defeats were marked by the suicide of Bonohene Berempon Katakyira in 1595 and by Bonohene Afena Diamono in 1639.[15]

Fall of Bonoman

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The decline of Bonoman occurred gradually and was influenced by a combination of internal pressures, shifts in trade networks, and external military threats. By the late 17th century, Bono Manso's dominance had weakened, and various subgroups of Akans began migrating and forming new states across the forest zone and coastal regions. This movement contributed to the spread of Akan dialects, including those found across present-day Ivory Coast and Ghana.[16]

Externally, Bonoman's influence declined as southern Akan states such as Akyem, Denkyira, and later the Asante Empire gained economic and military strength through control of coastal trade routes and access to European goods, including firearms.[17] With no direct access to the coast, Bonoman found itself increasingly bypassed in regional commerce, especially after the rise of coastal hubs like Elmina and Cape Coast.[citation needed] Among the key internal factors were dynastic conflicts, succession disputes, and growing discontent over tribute collection and taxation, which eroded central authority.[18]

The decisive turning point came in 1722–1723, when Opoku Ware I of the Asante Empire launched a successful military expedition against Bono Manso, bringing the state firmly under Asante control and integrating its population, royal regalia, and skilled artisans into the expanding Asante polity.[19][3]

Techiman, an already established town succeeded Bono Manso after 1723, which became a new center of Bono identity and cultural resilience. After the British conquest of Ashanti in 1896, the Bono states subsequently became independent from that year or 1950s.[20]

Bono Urban Centers

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Bono cities exhibited organized town planning, sacred architecture, and advanced iron-working industries. Based on excavations, radiocarbon data, and oral traditions, Effah-Gyamfi identified three distinct phases of urban development. In the early phase (13th to 15th centuries), towns such as Bono Manso were relatively compact, housing thousands of residents—though not all lived in the core settlement. Architecture from this period featured daubed wattle construction, and painted pottery was distributed across a 3.3 km radius, indicating the extent of household and ritual activity.[3]

In the second phase, spanning the 16th to 17th centuries, Bono urban centers expanded significantly in both population and spatial layout. Towns became more structured, with evenly distributed housing units surrounding a central marketplace, indicating a higher level of social coordination and economic planning. Archaeological findings from this period include imported glass beads, mica-coated pottery, and other materials suggesting sustained participation in long-distance trade networks that extended across West Africa and beyond. These discoveries underscore the complexity of Bono urbanism during this era and its integration into broader regional commerce.[3]

Bono Manso

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Bono Manso (literally “great town of Bono”) was the capital of Bonoman and a major trading centre in what is now the Bono East region. Located just south of the Black Volta river in the forest–savanna transition zone, the town was a key node in the Trans-Saharan trade network, linking the Akan goldfields with northern markets such as Djenné and Timbuktu. Goods traded through Bono Manso included gold, kola nuts, salt, leather, and cloth. Archaeological and historical sources suggest that Bono Manso was already settled by the 13th century and had developed into a commercial and ritual center by the 14th and 15th centuries.[21]

The town served as the seat of Bono kingship, with political and spiritual authority centered on ancestral stools and sacred shrines. The Bonohene who was of the royal clan, Ayoko, had his palace here, while several other clans such as Biretuo, Aduana, Asenie etc domiciled at some distance within.[citation needed]

The unit of currency was gold, gold weights were used to determine what quantity of gold should be exchanged for a commodity. This was determined by the chiefs and elders, the chiefs fixed a quantity of gold that should make a peredwan, a doma and dwoa.[22]

Begho

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Begho (also Bighu or Bitu; called Bew and Nsokɔ by the Akan)[23] was a medieval trading town located just south of the Black Volta at the transitional zone between the forest and savanna. The town, like Bono-Manso, was of considerable importance as an entrepot frequented by northern caravans from the Mali Empire beginning around 1100 AD. Goods traded included ivory, salt, leather, gold, kola nuts, cloth, and copper alloys.[24][25] Excavations have laid bare walled structures dated between 1350 and 1750 AD, as well as pottery of all kinds, smoking pipes, and evidence of iron smelting. With a probable population of over 10 000, Begho was one of the largest towns in the southern part of West Africa at the time of the arrival of the Portuguese in 1471.[25] Begho was likely the site of a Bono royal palace.[26]

According to Islamic historical sources cited by Bakewell and Effah-Gyamfi, the ruler of Mali may have launched a punitive expedition against Bighu in the mid-sixteenth century, reportedly in response to a disruption in the gold trade managed by the Juula. While these narratives suggest a brief assertion of authority, archaeological and oral evidence indicate that local governance structures in Bighu continued without lasting external control.[27][28]

The town was also a linguistic and cultural bridge. Numerous Akan words for trade, transportation, and status—such as kramo (Muslim), oponko (horse), gyata (lion), and adaka (box)—trace back to Mande origins, reflecting sustained interactions rather than domination.[29]

Begho was likely the site of a Bono royal palace.[26]

Today, Begho is remembered not only for its role in West African trade but also as the ancestral town of many Wangara/Juula groups who dispersed to towns like Bonduku, Namasa, and Banda, preserving a distinct historical identity linked to their origins in this once-thriving hub of commerce.[citation needed]

Bonduku

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Bonduku was another trading center within the empire of Bonoman.[citation needed] It gave birth to the state of Gyaman also spelled Jamang Kingdom which was particularly famous for the production of cotton. The state existed from 1450 to 1895 and was located in what is now Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire.[24][3]

Misconceptions and Controversies

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The Colonial Fabrication of a Ghana Empire Exodus

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Main article: Ghana Empire

One common but historically unsupported narrative claims that the Bono people migrated from the Ghana Empire (centered in modern-day southeastern Mauritania and Mali) to establish Bonoman. This theory, often repeated in colonial-era textbooks and early nationalist histories, lacks archaeological, linguistic, and oral historical support.

This belief was shaped by early European scholars and colonial administrators who sought to link West African civilizations to more familiar Sahelian polities, often underestimating the capacity for local cultural development. Recent research shows that no oral traditions from Bono-Takyiman or Begho communities reference any connection to the Ghana Empire. Instead, accounts consistently point to local origins rooted in sacred caves such as Amowi, emphasizing emergence from the land rather than migration from the Sahel.[30]

Further archaeological work reinforces these traditions. Excavations around Bono Manso reveal a long sequence of occupation, with evidence of settlement, agriculture, and iron smelting dating back several centuries before any documented Sahelian contact. In particular, early radiocarbon dates from the site of Amowi confirm its antiquity, consistent with oral traditions identifying it as a sacred emergence site of the Bono.[21]

Myth of Mande-Islamic Origins

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Another recurring misconception is that the Bono state and its institutions were introduced or significantly shaped by Mande-speaking Muslim traders (Wangara or Dyula). While Muslim traders did play an important role in the gold trade, they settled in designated quarters in towns like Begho, and did not govern the polity nor introduce its core political or spiritual institutions.[13]

While acknowledging the presence of intercultural trade, scholars emphasize that the political authority, kinship systems (abusua), ancestral shrines, and regalia of Bonoman are of indigenous origin, not borrowed from the north.[31]

A 2022 study further critiques the “Sahelian diffusionist” framework as a colonial invention. It argues that trade networks have been wrongly equated with political or cultural dominance, noting that Muslim traders in Bono cities such as Begho maintained segregated quarters and peripheral roles in local governance.[32]

Modern archaeological and ethnohistorical research has shown that Bonoman developed indigenously in the forest–savanna transition zone of what is now the Bono Region of Ghana, long before the Ghana Empire's decline. Sites like Amowi, Nkukua Buoho, and Bono Manso demonstrate continuous occupation, iron smelting, and complex social organization centuries before the 13th century.[33][34]

Notable scholars refute the notion of northern origin, noting that archaeological layers at Bono sites and linguistic data suggest long-term, local development. The consensus is that the Akan states were not the product of Mande or Islamic diffusion, but rather a result of adaptive forest-based societies that evolved over millennia.[35]

Legacy of Early Scholarship: Reassessing Meyerowitz

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One of the first figures to document Bono traditions was Eva L. R. Meyerowitz, whose mid-20th century work attempted to reconstruct Akan origins through oral histories and symbolic interpretation. While her efforts helped foreground the historical importance of Bono Manso and Techiman, her conclusions have since drawn critical re-evaluation. Scholars have questioned her reconstructions of long-lost kingdoms and her assignment of exact dates to events based on oral narratives lacking corroboration in archaeological evidence.

Anthropologist Dennis M. Warren, who conducted fieldwork in the same region, found that several of Meyerowitz’s core claims — including accounts of foreign origins and references to places like Kumbu and Timbuktu — were not only uncorroborated but explicitly denied by the very stool elders and local authorities she had cited. According to Warren, when presented with quotations attributed to them in Meyerowitz’s work, many of these elders responded that they had no memory of making such statements, and in some cases, believed their words had been misrepresented by translators or filtered through interpretive bias.[36]

Archaeological and Oral Evidence of Indigenous Development

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Archaeological studies confirm that iron smelting was practiced at Bono Manso by the 3rd century CE, and that surrounding settlements such as Amowi and Atwetwebooso were occupied well before the rise of the Sahelian empires.[37] Oral traditions collected by Dennis M. Warren also trace the origin of the Bono to local sacred caves such as Amowi, not to distant external migrations.[36]

Effah-Gyamfi’s findings further support these traditions, showing that early Bono settlements featured complex political structures, advanced ironworking, and ceremonial practices associated with local rulers. His excavations confirm continuous habitation in the region long before any recorded influence from northern traders or empires.[21]

Further analysis shows that core elements of the Bono gold economy—such as gold-weighing systems and regalia—were already developed locally before the peak of Muslim trade activity in the region, suggesting that cultural influence likely flowed in the opposite direction.[38]

Foundational Role of Bono in Akan Civilization

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Akan people

Cultural Legacy

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Several enduring elements of Akan culture trace their origins to the Bono state. These include the royal umbrella (a symbol of chieftaincy), the sacred swords known as akrafena, ceremonial stools, and ritual regalia central to political and spiritual life. Bono is also widely credited with pioneering the crafts of goldsmithing, Akan goldweights, blacksmithing, cotton and kente weaving, and the symbolic lexicon of adinkra motifs and cloth design.[39]

These cultural systems were not only central to Bono society but became influential across Akan polities following the 18th-century conquest of Bono Manso. According to oral history, skilled Bono artisans—including weavers, goldsmiths, and metalworkers—were taken to Kumasi by the Asantehene, where their crafts became integral to the emerging Asante court style and symbolism.

Bono oral literature—rich in proverbs, songs, and folktales—also shaped broader Akan traditions of storytelling, morality, and aesthetics. These influences appear in the names and patterns of kente and adinkra cloth, which often reference proverbial wisdom or spiritual principles. This integration of visual and verbal culture extended to carved stools, shrine regalia, jewelry, and royal attire, emphasizing the symbolic depth of Bono artistry.[39]

Formation of Inland Akan Polities

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Scholars have emphasized the foundational role of Bonoman in Akan political and cultural history. The Adansi polity is often highlighted as a key political and cultural foundation in the evolution of Akan civilization. Emerging from Bono precedents, Adansi pioneered early centralized governance, matrilineal political structures, and urban development. It is credited with advancing the construction of elaborate and enduring architectural complexes, evolving earlier wattle-and-daub techniques into more permanent settlements, palatial compounds, and organized royal courtyards. These innovations laid the groundwork for the rise of major inland forest polities such as Assin, Twifo, Denkyira, Akyem, and the Akwamu Empire, as well as the early Asante clans.[40] Earlier direct migrations also contributed to the establishment of the Fante states, Wassa, and Ahanta along the coastal regions. Beyond Ghana’s borders, Bono-descended groups established the Kingdom of Aowin (Agni) and the Kingdom of Sefwi (Sanwi) in what is now southwestern Ghana and southeastern Côte d’Ivoire.[27]

The Gyaman Kingdom, founded by Bono-Abron migrants in the Bondoukou region, represents a western extension of Bono political influence. Gyaman was initially established by Bono migrants and later joined by migrants from the early Akwamu state, blending traditions from both origins. The culmination of this migration and state-building process was the rise of the Asante Empire in the 17th century, which integrated many earlier Bono-derived political and spiritual institutions into its imperial system.[29]

The modern non-sovereign monarchy of Techiman traces its lineage directly to Bonomanso and continues to celebrate festivals and preserve oral history tied to Bonoman's formation.[41]

See also

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Sources

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  • Anquandah, James (2013). "The People of Ghana: Their Origins and Cultures". Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana (15): 1–25. ISSN 0855-3246. Retrieved 23 April 2025.

References

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  1. ^ a b Buah, F. K. (1974). West Africa Since A.D. 1000: History Notes. Indiana University: Macmillan. p. 195.
  2. ^ Transactions of the Gold Coast & Togoland Historical Society. The Society. 1974. p. 218.
  3. ^ a b c d e Effah-Gyamfi, Kwaku (1987). "Archaeology and the Study of Early African Towns: The West African Case, Especially Ghana". West African Journal of Archaeology. 17: 229–241.
  4. ^ a b Gomez, Michael A. (2000-11-09). Exchanging Our Country Marks: The Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South. Univ of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-6171-4.
  5. ^ Effah-Gyamfi 1974.
  6. ^ Konadu 2010, p. 34-6.
  7. ^ Konadu 2022, p. 76-81.
  8. ^ Dummett, Raymond E. (2005). "Akan and Asante: Farmers, Traders, and the Emergence of Akan States". In Shillington, Kevin (ed.). Encyclopedia of African History. New York: Fitzroy Dearborn. p. 31-33.
  9. ^ a b c Konadu 2010, p. 35.
  10. ^ Anquandah 2013, p. 8.
  11. ^ Effah-Gyamfi 1974, p. 220-1.
  12. ^ a b c Boahen, A. Adu (2005). "Akan states: Bono, Denkyira, Wassa, Akyem, Akwamu, Fante, Fifteenth to Seventeenth centuries". In Shillington, Kevin (ed.). Encyclopedia of African History. New York: Fitzroy Dearborn. p. 33-34.
  13. ^ a b Posnansky, Merrick (2015). "Begho: Life and Times". Journal of West African History. 1 (2): 95–118. Retrieved 23 April 2025.
  14. ^ Kumah 2024, p. 171.
  15. ^ Jones, D. H. “Jakpa and the Foundation of Gonja.” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, vol. 6, 1962, pp. 1–29. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41405749. Accessed 6 Feb. 2025.
  16. ^ Arhin 1979, p. 116.
  17. ^ Konadu 2010, p. 34-5.
  18. ^ Effah-Gyamfi 1974, p. 225-6.
  19. ^ Arhin 1979, p. 11-12.
  20. ^ Arhin 1979, p. 14-16.
  21. ^ a b c Effah-Gyamfi 1974, p. 221.
  22. ^ Ameyaw 1979, p. 53.
  23. ^ Konadu 2010, p. 51.
  24. ^ a b Crossland 1989.
  25. ^ a b Goody, Jack (1964). "The Mande and the Akan Hinterland". In Vansina, J.; Mauny, R.; Thomas, L. V. (eds.). The Historian in Tropical Africa. London: Oxford University. pp. 192–218.
  26. ^ a b Anquandah 2013, p. 11.
  27. ^ a b Effah-Gyamfi, Kwaku. Traditional History of the Bono State. Legon: Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, 1979.
  28. ^ Kumah 2024, p. 170-1.
  29. ^ a b Wilks, Ivor. “Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. I: The Matter of Bitu.” The Journal of African History, vol. 23, no. 3, 1982, pp. 333–349. JSTOR
  30. ^ Konadu 2022, p. 69.
  31. ^ Konadu 2010, p. 42-5.
  32. ^ Konadu 2022, p. 76-78.
  33. ^ Konadu 2010, p. 34-45.
  34. ^ Effah-Gyamfi 1974, p. 220-2.
  35. ^ Konadu 2010, p. 29-45.
  36. ^ a b Warren, Dennis M. (1976). "The Use and Misuse of Ethnohistorical Data in the Reconstruction of Techiman-Bono (Ghana) History". Ethnohistory. 23 (4): 365–385. Retrieved 23 April 2025.
  37. ^ Effah-Gyamfi 1974, p. 220.
  38. ^ Konadu 2022, p. 80-81.
  39. ^ a b Warren 1975.
  40. ^ Wilks, Ivor. "The Forest and the Twis." Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, no. 8, 2004, pp. 27–28. [1]
  41. ^ Effah-Gyamfi 1974, p. 218, 220.

Further reading

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